Whether Russia in Ukraine or Iran in the Middle East, authoritarian regimes flexing their military muscles can generate a sense of irresistible momentum that fuels anxiety among more open societies. Yet if one looks at how both these regimes are coping with social change, what initially seems unstoppable begins to look less ominous.
French President Emmanuel Macron has long called for a stronger and more sovereign Europe, in part by pursuing stronger partnerships with the Global South and reform of the international finance architecture. But those plans won’t be enough if major powers refuse to cooperate or negotiate in good faith with Global South countries.
The Ecuador-China Free Trade Agreement has often been portrayed as a milestone for China in Latin America, but recent developments have thrown the fate of the deal into doubt. The sudden uncertainty has implications that extend beyond Ecuador’s borders, affecting the broader landscape of China’s relations across Latin America.
As part of his tour through four African countries this week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken made a point of stopping over in Cote d’Ivoire, a country with which both Washington and Paris are seeking to deepen security ties following the collapse of France’s diplomatic relations in other parts of the region.
Ecuador’s grave security crisis could prove pivotal for the future of the country’s democracy. Similar crises across Latin American have created the temptation to toss out democracy as the cost of regaining security, as has been on most prominent display in El Salvador. For Ecuador, the stakes for could not be higher.
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has abandoned the country’s long-standing policy of seeking peaceful unification with the South. This substantial change in Pyongyang’s inter-Korean policy should not be regarded as mere bluster or rhetoric. It marks a significant and dangerous shift in North Korea’s posture toward the South.
There are many negative consequences of China’s accelerated population decline. But while China’s demographic crisis looks like that of other neighboring countries, it is coming at a lower level of economic development, and the problems it poses are exacerbated by some of the unique characteristics of China’s political system.
Six months before Mexico’s presidential election, President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador’s approval rating is sitting at 55 percent. But a string of corruption allegations against his family and party have put AMLO on the defensive in recent weeks, chipping away the teflon coating that has protected him during his five years in office.
Since taking office Dec. 10, Argentine President Javier Milei has launched a flurry of initiatives to implement his pro-market agenda. But his decision to push through a massive package of reforms all at once and his insensitivity toward the social costs of his policies risk alienating key supporters and dooming his administration.
Given Taiwan’s pivotal position as a flashpoint in global security, most of the coverage of its recent presidential and legislative elections viewed them through the lens of its relations with China. The relationship matters to be sure, but the campaign was also driven by domestic concerns that didn’t make the international headlines.
Attempts to subvert democracy have become a staple of our time. But amid this deeply worrisome trend is an encouraging development: Those attempts appear to be failing, as those who support democracy get better at defending it. Consider Guatemala, where a soft coup was defeated by the country’s citizens and international pressure.
The liberal European order has been under attack from within and without in recent years. The EU became a convenient punching bag for opportunistic politicians in many of its member countries, and centrist political parties are being challenged by a populist wave that may not have yet crested. The work to rebuild trans-Atlantic ties with the U.S. under President Joe Biden has begun, even as Russia’s attempts to destabilize the European order have not abated.
The coming year looks to be one of continued headaches and reactive crisis management for Germany’s ruling three-party coalition. A budget crisis, which triggered mass farmers protests, has compounded the country’s existing challenges, testing the durability of the ruling coalition and the political skills of its leaders.
Under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Cairo has been unable to do anything more than react to crises around Egypt’s borders. With concerns growing over Egypt’s own stability, that has created a vicious cycle, increasing the likelihood that the chaos around it further exacerbates Egypt’s own internal problems.
Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo’s “Resilient Ghana” program, which seeks to halt and reverse deforestation while also boosting the country’s economy, has won plaudits abroad. But Ghanaians are more skeptical, and for good reason. Deforestation is a grave problem in Ghana, but successive governments have done little to address it.
The recent controversy over antisemitism on U.S. campuses highlights the role U.S. universities play in maintaining the country’s global status. More than material resources, like state-of-the-art classrooms, it is the campus culture of open inquiry and expression that enables U.S. universities to serve as sources of soft power.
One year ago, Brazil experienced what looked its own version of the Jan. 6, 2021 Capitol Insurrection in Washington. Since then, though, the two countries, whose political dramas had momentarily converged, moved in completely different directions. Today, Brazilian democracy appears to have stabilized. American democracy has not.