Christian nationalism is not a new phenomenon, but in recent years it has led to the consolidation of power by politically conservative, illiberal and authoritarian political leaders and parties across the globe. The storming of Brazil’s seat of government, in part driven by this ideology, is the latest evidence of this trend.
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In September 2024, the United Nations is set to launch its “Global Digital Compact,” which will outline shared principles for an “open, free and secure digital future for all.” This sounds promising in theory. But a growing divide between U.N. leaders and their Silicon Valley counterparts threatens to undermine these efforts.
Japan recently announced a series of changes to its defense policy, drawing criticism from rivals and praise from partners. A clearer understanding of the situation requires more balance and less hyperbole. As important as what changed in Tokyo’s defense posture is what did not change—namely, the pacifist stance at the heart of it.
The twin blows of U.S. sanctions and the COVID-19 pandemic, exacerbated by runaway inflation triggered by an economic reform gone awry, have plunged Cuba into its worst economic crisis since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most poignant and costly manifestation of the public’s exhaustion is the sharp increase in emigration.
Benin was once regarded as one of West Africa’s “beacons of democracy.” But the authoritarian drift on display during Patrice Talon’s presidency has caused observers to worry about the country’s trajectory. That unease formed the backdrop to recent legislative elections, seen as a test of Benin’s democratic credentials.
“Brazil is back,” Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said shortly before being sworn in for a third term as president. His foreign policy agenda marks a clean break from that of his predecessor with a focus on reengagement with the world. But that may be harder to achieve now than it was when Lula first took office 20 years ago.
Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Germany has been weening itself off of its dependence on Russian energy, despite grave predictions about the potential fallout, including fears of a financial meltdown. But as the winter cold has descended on Europe, these concerns of rationing and shortages have not been borne out.
Instead of repairing cross-strait relations, Beijing seems content to maintain its uncompromising approach toward the government of President Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan. Beijing is hoping that a more amenable government will be elected in 2024, when Taiwan holds its next presidential election. But that might be a losing bet.
Uruguay is known for boasting a squeaky-clean democracy that tops indices measuring government transparency in South America. Now a corruption scandal with mafia-esque overtones has severely damaged President Luis Lacalle Pou, potentially hampering his reform agenda and sidelining him ahead of elections in October 2024.
Mongolia ended 2022 with a bang when protesters stormed the seat of government in the capital in December. The demonstrations fizzled out, but the corruption allegations that triggered them continue to rankle. Combined with other problems at home and complex relations with China and Russia, 2023 is shaping up to be a challenge.
Charles Ble Goude, a close associate of Cote d’Ivoire’s former President Laurent Gbagbo, formally announced his return to politics last week. His homecoming and reentry into politics recalls that of Gbagbo, who returned to the country in June 2021, and is sparking intrigue ahead of the 2025 presidential contest.
New Delhi’s latest effort to establish “peace and normalcy” in the Jammu and Kashmir region has muzzled even the most vocal of Kashmiris. So if silence is the goal of the campaign, it has worked. Yet the false sense of peace created by improvements in the economy and security landscape belies the stark reality on the ground.
In early January, the United Arab Emirates’ foreign minister met with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Damascus. And a once unthinkable meeting between Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan and Assad is now also in the works. Clearly, 2023 has begun with the momentum for normalizing ties with the Assad regime growing.
Last year, Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio warned before the outbreak of war in Ukraine that a full-scale invasion would force Japan’s hand on supporting economic and political efforts to isolate Moscow. Since then, Japan’s opposition to the war in Ukraine has only sharpened, with a lasting impact on bilateral relations.
Turkish arms exports surged past $4 billion in 2022, up nearly 36 percent from 2021, with exports accounting for 98 percent of the arms contractor Bayraktar’s sales. Clearly, Turkey has arrived as a major arms exporter, but what are the implications of these exports in terms of its choice of partners?
Over the past decade, China has targeted Central and Eastern Europe with its influence operations, cultivating leaders, building ties with regional media and developing telecom infrastructure. Yet despite these efforts, and as the war in Ukraine rages on, Beijing has seen its soft power and popularity in the region wane.